Whitlam Institute, University of Western Sydney 13 November 2013.
Here is an excerpt from Noel Pearson’s oration in 2013 which
I think is highly relevant to his passionate advocacy for the Voice proposal to
be put to a referendum of the people of Australia on 14 October 2023.
I have no problem with people changing their minds about
matters of public importance.
However in the context of debate about the Voice proposal, I
have not seen in the public domain any acknowledgement by Mr Pearson that his
position on a range of matters appears to have changed in the 10 years since
2013. These include racial discrimination in the Constitution, the failure of
race-based solutions to aboriginal disadvantage, the negative effects of well
intended policies and the failure of policy to hold indigenous people to the
same standards as other Australians.
In 2013 Mr Pearson said “ A person should be rewarded on
their merits and assisted in their needs. Race and indigeneity should be
irrelevant to matters of public welfare and government assistance.”
Yet in 2023 in the lead-up to the Voice vote he has
frequently insisted that indigeneity is the all-important issue.
He said in 2013 “ We need to move from a position of
racial discrimination in law and public policy to one of individual equality
before the law”.
The words spoken by Mr Pearson in 2013 have been repeated,
almost word-for-word by advocates of the No case in 2023.
Here follows the excerpt:
The emphases are mine. I have viewed the video of the
address on the website of the Institute and the transcript appears to be an
accurate record of Mr Pearson’s words.
“For the most part, our Constitution is fine. It has set up the
legal framework for a stable, prosperous democracy in Australia. It is – mostly
– written in neutral democratic language. It contains no gender bias. It makes
no mention of preferred sexuality. It contains no religious bias. It is
primarily a fair and just document, and creates a fair and just democratic
system. Except in two respects.
There are two problems in our Constitution. The first is the
non-recognition of Indigenous peoples. The
second is racial discrimination: our
Constitution still contains provisions which allow governments to discriminate
on the basis of race. Prior to the 1967 referendum, Indigenous peoples
were explicitly excluded from the Constitution. Section 127 prevented
Indigenous people from being counted in the Census. Indigenous people were also
excluded from the scope of s 51(xxvi), the Race Power. The 1967 referendum
reversed this exclusion by deleting s 127 and deleting the exclusion in s
51(xxvi).
Ironically, however, the
Constitution now makes no mention of Indigenous peoples whatsoever. As a
founding, historical document, our Constitution is inadequate. Mabo overturned the doctrine of terra nullius in Australian domestic law. But our
Constitution fails to recognize that this land was not empty when the British
arrived. There is no mention of the Indigenous
contribution to Australia’s heritage and history.
The
second problem is that the Constitution contains racially discriminatory
provisions which enable governments to treat Australian citizens differently on
the basis of race. Section 25 contemplates barring races from voting. S 51(xxvi)
gives the Commonwealth the power to pass race-based laws – whether positive or
adverse.
This
allowance and promotion of racial discrimination is at odds with fundamental
tenets of democracy: individual equality before the law, the rule of law (in
that the same rules should apply to each individual regardless of colour or
ethnicity), and the idea that each person’s vote should be equal. The racial
discrimination in our Constitution is an undemocratic error. On the issue of
race, our founding fathers erred.
Their error was based on outdated factual and moral beliefs, now
known to be incorrect. Racial categorizations between human beings, we now
know, have no scientific basis. Race should no longer, therefore, have any
legal or policy application. We now understand that there is only one race: the
human race. Most would now agree that treating citizens differently on the
basis of race is unfair. This is why removal of racial discrimination from the
Constitution has strong public support.
The
race-based approach has also been unsuccessful in addressing the problems we
face in Indigenous affairs. This practical failure has had its roots in the
philosophical understandings that underpin the race-based approach. Race is a
colonial concept. Inherent in the idea of race is the notion that some races
are superior and some are inferior. The incorrect notion that Indigenous people
belong to an inferior or incapable race has arguably had a poisonous effect on
Indigenous policy, law and, consequently, Indigenous people.
While in the past there was much adverse discrimination against
Indigenous people on the basis of race,
now there is positive discrimination – well intentioned – but often with
adverse results. Cape York Institute’s work in welfare reform has shown us this
all too clearly. The race-based approach has perpetuated low expectations and undermined
personal responsibility.
Consequently,
as many Indigenous leaders have argued, the law and public policy often fails
to hold Indigenous Australians to the same responsibilities and expectations as
other Australians. This attitude does Indigenous people a great disservice.
We must unequivocally reject the idea that Indigenous people are
innately or biologically disadvantaged. Indigenous people are not an inferior
race. Yes, Indigenous people are for the most part socially and economically
disadvantaged due to past discrimination, dispossession and other contemporary
factors. And yes, we should do
everything we can to assist disadvantaged people, black or white. But we should
do so on the basis of individual need – not race. A person is not automatically
disadvantaged just because he or she is Indigenous. A person should be rewarded
on their merits, and assisted in their needs. Race, and Indigeneity, should be
irrelevant to matters of public welfare and government assistance.
We need to move from Indigenous non-recognition to recognition. And we need to move from a position of
racial discrimination in law and public policy, to one of individual equality
before the law.”
I think that many Australians would agree with most of what Mr
Pearson has to say here, especially about all of us being equal in law
regardless of race or indigeneity.
The only matter on which I hold a contrary view is about
constitutional recognition of any ethnic group. The Constitution does not
mention any racial or ethnic or religious or any other particular group of
people. In my view there is no good reason for it to do so.
I am well aware that many prominent Australians are saying in in
2023 that they would support the insertion into the Constitution of some form
of words giving “recognition” to aborigines
(if anybody can figure out who is an aborigine) or indigenous people (if anybody can define
what indigenous means) or firstnationspeoples (if anybody knows what that
means) but the old adage “be careful what you wish for” applies. At the very
least our leaders should subject this
wobbly notion to a long term process of constitutional review before promising
anything.
End
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